By Sen. David Vitter
It’s been more than two months since oil started flowing into the Gulf of Mexico, and as folks along the Gulf Coast continue to deal with the personal, economic and environmental effects of this tragedy, I’m alarmed some in Washington have seized upon this very real and ongoing crisis as an opportunity to further their political agendas.
Instead of real solutions, in typical Washington fashion, the policies following this spill are not solutions at all, but setbacks for people all along the coast. Some of my Senate colleagues and this administration have used the spill as an excuse to place a moratorium on offshore drilling - a decision that would destroy tens of thousands of jobs in the Gulf as energy companies move their businesses away from the coast. This decision isn’t helping Louisianians - it’s shutting down huge parts of our economy and will only cost us more jobs and more economic devastation.
Fortunately, just this week a federal district judge issued a ruling blocking the moratorium. I applaud this common-sense decision, which recognizes that the president’s powers are certainly not unlimited and that this moratorium is wreaking havoc on jobs in Louisiana. And I hope that, even though the administration plans to appeal the ruling, higher courts will recognize that the moratorium was a bad decision and the wrong response to the oil spill. The best way to prevent future oil spills is not to stop drilling altogether, but to improve the inspection process to ensure that our rigs are safe.
Liberals have also capitalized on this tragedy as an excuse to raid the Oil Spill Liability Trust Fund - money intended to pay for damages caused by an oil spill - to pay for new government spending instead. Their proposal would dramatically raise taxes for the trust fund and then double-count those same dollars to pay for a grab bag of deficit spending. Stealing money from the trust fund to pay for their own runaway government spending is another sad example of the same old Washington politics, and the American people are sick of it. That’s why I introduced an amendment to prevent the money in the trust fund from being used to offset other unrelated expenditures in the federal budget and mask the full impact to the deficit.
Perhaps most outrageous of all, the Senate recently rejected an effort to keep the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency from moving forward with one of the most significant economy-destroying regulations in the history of this country - cap-and-tax. Such a move would make energy more expensive and jobs scarcer, putting a tremendous burden on American families who are already struggling to make ends meet. And it would particularly hurt Louisiana because our economy is so dependent on oil and gas production. Yet proponents reference the catastrophe off our coast as justification for it all as they try to use this tragic oil spill as an opportunity to let a handful of bureaucrats at the EPA decide our economic future.
President Barack Obama has made clear he supports such a cap-and-tax system - a system that would limit America’s sovereignty by giving control of a major part of our economy to other nations who do not have our best interests in mind. Previous international treaties like the Kyoto Protocol have proven unenforceable, and there is no reason to believe this time would be any different. But the administration and its allies in Congress continue to push this ill-advised policy, and this time, they’re trying to exploit the disaster off the coast of Louisiana to push their radical agenda.
Louisianians deserve more than the use of the ongoing tragedy in the Gulf to force job-killing policies on them. This is a time for the federal government to focus on solving the crisis at hand, and I will continue to fight against any efforts by my colleagues or this administration to use it as a mechanism to create policies that will shut down huge parts of our economy. See Hill post here.
Sen. Vitter is a member of the Environment and Public Works Committee.
By Steve McIntyre
Andrew Montford has succeeded in prying some important documents from the Oxburgh “inquiry”. These raise several important issues.
The attachments here include Michael Kelly’s notes - see page 81 on.
These offer a few glimpses of sanity that were suppressed by Oxburgh in the “report”.
Here is an interesting comment about IPCC (leaving aside, for now, the lack of “humility” in Jones’ exchanges with Mann):
Up to and throughout this exercise, I have remained puzzled how the real humility of the scientists in this area, as evident in their papers, including all these here, and the talks I have heard them give, is morphed into statements of confidence at the 95% level for public consumption through the IPCC process. This does not happen in other subjects of equal importance to humanity, e.g. energy futures or environmental degradation or resource depletion. I can only think it is the ‘authority’ appropriated by the IPCC itself that is the root cause.
Good question. How does this “morphing” take place, especially when the scientists in question act as Lead Authors and Coordinating Lead Authors of IPCC. Kelly continues:
Our review takes place in a very febrile atmosphere. If we give a clean bill of health to what we regard as sound science without qualifying that very narrowly, we will be on the receiving end of justifiable criticism for exonerating what many people see as indefensible behaviour. Three of the five MIT scientists who commented in the week before Copenhagen on the leaked emails, (see here) thought that they saw prima facie evidence of unprofessional activity.
“Receiving end of justifiable criticism”. I presume that Kelly is staying pretty quiet these days.
Kelly previously made a complaint that would not be opposed by the severest IPCC critic:
(i) I take real exception to having simulation runs described as experiments (without at least the qualification of ‘computer’ experiments). It does a disservice to centuries of real experimentation and allows simulations output to be considered as real data. This last is a very serious matter, as it can lead to the idea that real ‘real data’ might be wrong simply because it disagrees with the models! That is turning centuries of science on its head.
and
(ii) I think it is easy to see how peer review within tight networks can allow new orthodoxies to appear and get established that would not happen if papers were wrtten for and peer reviewed by a wider audience. I have seen it happen elsewhere. This finding may indeed be an important outcome of the present review.
It would have been an “important outcome of the present review” had this finding appeared in the Oxburgh “report”.
Or here;
My overriding impression that this is a continuing and valiant attempt via a variety of statistical methods to find possible signals in very noisy and patchy data when several confounding factors may be at play in varying ways throughout the data. It would take an expert in statistics to comment on the appropriateness of the various techniques as they are used. The descriptions are couched within an internal language of dendrochronology, and require some patience to try and understand.
I find no evidence of blatant mal-practice. That is not to say that, working within the current paradigm, choices of data and analysis approach might be made in order to strain to get more out of the data than a dispassionate analysis might permit.
The line between positive conclusions and the null hypothesis is very fine in my book.
I worry about the sheer range and the ad hoc/subjective nature of all the adjustments, homogenisations etc of the raw data from different places
Climategate and the EPA Endangerment Finding
By Steven McIntyre, Climate Audit
While considerable attention has been paid by me and others to the cozy UK “inquiries”, Climategate is featuring prominently in another not-so-cozy forum in the US, though the connection has not been articulated to a larger audience.
A June 18 article in the New York Times reports:
Three judges issued an order (pdf) Wednesday that the motions for remand be placed on hold as EPA considers numerous petitions asking it to reconsider the finding.
The order freezes the motions for remand until two weeks after the agency makes a decision, or until Aug. 16, whichever comes first. That was the action sought by EPA, which has said it expects to decide on the petitions for reconsideration in late July.
These various petitions are animated by Climategate documents. Here’s my understanding of the present rollcall of proceedings.
(1) 10 petitions to EPA for reconsideration of the Endangerment Finding – see here ; and EPA motion here.
(2) 17 petitions in court that the Endangerment Finding be remanded to EPA for further consideration - see here - consolidated as Coalition for Responsible Regulation Inc., et al., v. EPA. (Individual states appear to be parties to these petitions.);
The decision reported on Friday delays these remand petitions pending EPA’s promised disposition of the Petitions for Reconsideration at the end of July.
The docket here commences with motions by Virginia and Alabama calling on the court to remand the Endangerment Finding to EPA requiring them to take further evidence, citing the Climategate emails. The motion (Apr 15, 2010) says:
Despite the explosive revelations of climate-gate, EPA insouciantly issued its Finding on December 15, 2009 without providing any mechanism for the consideration of this new information. Despite the pendency of motions for reconsideration, the agency has announced its intent to begin rule-making in reliance on the un-re-examined Finding.
Respondent EPA moved (further down same docket here) to hold these motions in abeyance pending the disposition of the Petitions for Reconsideration. Massachusetts intervened here. In its response, EPA stated that it anticipated a decision on the Petitions for Reconsideration by the end of July:
EPA is in the process of carefully reviewing the ten petitions for reconsideration (and seven supplements thereto) submitted to the Agency, and anticipates that it will issue its decision with respect to all the petitions on or about July 30, 2010.
The decision reported on Friday (as I understand it) pushed the petitions asking for the matter to be remanded to EPA back to the earliest of August 16 or two weeks after the EPA rules on the Petitions for Reconsideration.
What makes these motions of particular interest to those interested in Climategate is that some of the petitions for reconsideration here contain detailed summaries and commentaries on the Climategate emails - the detail of which places the negligence of the Oxburgh “inquiry”” in clear focus.
The longest petition is by Peabody Energy (238 pages), the second longest (58 pages) by Pacific Legal Foundation.
Thus in addition to the UK inquiries, the Climategate emails have embroiled the disposition of the EPA Endangerment Finding ( see here for the Endangerment Finding and many volumes of responses.)
See post and comments here.
